Table of contents
No passado, governos e oligarquias lutavam pelo controle da terra para exercer seu poder. Depois as máquinas (indústria) passaram a ser mais importantes que a terra. Hoje, a informação é mais importante que a terra e que as máquinas. A disputa agora é pelo controle da informação e o seu fluxo, e governos (China, por exemplo) e corporações (Google) concentram o acesso e a circulação de dados.
O perigo dessa nova fronteira é a ameaça que ela representa para a democracia. A concentração (de terra e de máquinas) foi derrotada, ou pelo menos enfraquecida, pela democracia (com a vitória dos países aliados sobre o fascismo dos países do Eixo, na Segunda Guerra Mundial). Mas a concentração da informação, seja pelo monopólio das empresas como Google e Facebook, que determinam o fluxo dos dados através de seus algoritmos, seja pela capacidade da Inteligência Artificial de processar dados e nos entregar verdades prontas muito acima da nossa capacidade crítica, não tem na democracia (pelo menos não nesse modelo de democracia que temos), uma oposição à altura.
Nas palavras de Yuval: "se algo pode manipular as emoções das pessoas de forma eficiente, a democracia vira um teatro de marionetes". Nossa fraqueza diante da concentração de poder de governos e oligarquias (para Yuval são as corporações que hoje nos governam efetivamente), é nossa falta de conhecimento sobre nós mesmos e sobre o mundo. Sem autocrítica, sem terapia, sem educação que estimule o questionamento e a investigação, nós estamos entregando nossa liberdade para uma corporação/governo que vai manipular nossas emoções e desejos mais profundos, nos fazendo acreditar que esse ser no espelho é nosso eu autêntico.
O maior perigo que agora confronta a democracia liberal é que a revolução na tecnologia da informação tornará as ditaduras mais eficientes e capazes de assumir o controle.
We feel instinctively that societies with huge income gaps are somehow going wrong. Richard Wilkinson charts the hard data on economic inequality, and shows what gets worse when rich and poor are too far apart: real effects on health, lifespan, even such basic values as trust.
The term Founding Fathers refers to those who either signed the Declaration of Independence in 1776 or who were delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention and took part in drafting the proposed Constitution of the United States.
(1743-1826) American Founding Father, the principal author of the Declaration of Independence (1776), and the third President of the United States (1801–1809).
Information is the currency of democracy.
"Who will govern the governors?" There is only one force in the nation that can be depended upon to keep the government pure and the governors honest, and that is the people themselves. They alone, if well informed, are capable of preventing the corruption of power, and of restoring the nation to its rightful course if it should go astray. They alone are the safest depository of the ultimate powers of government. http://famguardian.org/Subjects/Politics/ThomasJefferson/jeff0350.htm
The Safest Depository
"Democrats... consider the people as the safest depository of power in the last resort; they cherish them, therefore, and wish to leave in them all the powers to the exercise of which they are competent." --Thomas Jefferson to William Short, 1825. ME 16:96
"The mass of the citizens is the safest depository of their own rights." --Thomas Jefferson to John Taylor, 1816. ME 15:23
"The people of every country are the only safe guardians of their own rights." --Thomas Jefferson to John Wyche, 1809.
"I am not among those who fear the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom." --Thomas Jefferson to Samuel Kercheval, 1816. ME 15:39
"Aristocrats... fear the people, and wish to transfer all power to the higher classes of society." --Thomas Jefferson to William Short, 1825. ME 16:96
"The people...are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty." --Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, 1787. ME 6:392
Preventing the Corruption of Power
"No government can continue good, but under the control of the people." --Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 1819. ME 15:234
"Unless the mass retains sufficient control over those entrusted with the powers of their government, these will be perverted to their own oppression, and to the perpetuation of wealth and power in the individuals and their families selected for the trust." --Thomas Jefferson to M. van der Kemp, 1812. ME 13:136
"No other depositories of power [but the people themselves] have ever yet been found, which did not end in converting to their own profit the earnings of those committed to their charge." --Thomas Jefferson to Samuel Kercheval, 1816. ME 15:71
"We fear that [violations of the Constitution] may produce insurrection. Nothing could be so fatal. Anything like force [used against the violators] would check the progress of the public opinion and rally them round the government. This is not the kind of opposition the American people will permit. But keep away all show of force and they will bear down the evil propensities of the government by the constitutional means of election and petition." --Thomas Jefferson to Edmund Pendleton, 1799. ME 10:105
"Resort may be had to the people of the country, a more governable power from their principles and subordination; and rank and birth and tinsel-aristocracy will finally shrink into insignificance." --Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 1813. ME 13:402
"The influence over government must be shared among all the people. If every individual which composes their mass participates of the ultimate authority, the government will be safe, because the corrupting the whole mass will exceed any private resources of wealth, and public ones cannot be provided but by levies on the people. In this case every man would have to pay his own price." --Thomas Jefferson: Notes on Virginia Q.XIV, 1782. ME 2:207
"If once [the people] become inattentive to the public affairs, you and I, and Congress and Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall all become wolves. It seems to be the law of our general nature, in spite of individual exceptions." --Thomas Jefferson to Edward Carrington, 1787. ME 6:58
"[Montesquieu wrote in Spirit of the Laws, XI,c.4:] 'Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority as far as it will go... To prevent this abuse, it is necessary from the very nature of things that power should be a check to power.'" --Thomas Jefferson: copied into his Commonplace Book.
An Informed People
"I know no safe depositary of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion by education. This is the true corrective of abuses of constitutional power." --Thomas Jefferson to William C. Jarvis, 1820. ME 15:278
"The people, especially when moderately instructed, are the only safe, because the only honest, depositaries of the public rights, and should therefore be introduced into the administration of them in every function to which they are sufficient; they will err sometimes and accidentally, but never designedly, and with a systematic and persevering purpose of overthrowing the free principles of the government." --Thomas Jefferson to M. Coray, 1823. ME 15:483
"There is one provision [in the new constitution of Spain] which will immortalize its inventors. It is that which, after a certain epoch, disfranchises every citizen who cannot read and write. This is new, and is the fruitful germ of the improvement of everything good and the correction of everything imperfect in the present constitution. This will give you an enlightened people, and an energetic public opinion which will control and enchain the aristocratic spirit of the government." --Thomas Jefferson to Chevalier de Ouis, 1814. ME 14:130
"Whenever the people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government. Whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they may be relied on to set them to rights." --Thomas Jefferson to Richard Price, 1789. ME 7:253
"Above all things I hope the education of the common people will be attended to; convinced that on their good sense we may rely with the most security for the preservation of a due degree of liberty." --Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, 1787. Madison Version FE 4:480
"Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like evil spirits at the dawn of day." --Thomas Jefferson to Pierre Samuel Dupont de Nemours, 1816. ME 14:491
The People's Interest in Order
"I am among those who think well of the human character generally. I consider man as formed for society and endowed by nature with those dispositions which fit him for society." --Thomas Jefferson to William Green Munford, 1799.
"Everyone, by his property or by his satisfactory situation, is interested in the support of law and order. And such men may safely and advantageously reserve to themselves a wholesome control over their public affairs and a degree of freedom which, in the hands of the canaille of the cities of Europe, would be instantly perverted to the demolition and destruction of everything public and private." --Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, 1813. ME 13:401
"Every man being at his ease feels an interest in the preservation of order and comes forth to preserve it at the first call of the magistrate." --Thomas Jefferson to M. Pictet, 1803. ME 10:356
"The mobs of the great cities add just so much to the support of pure government as sores do to the strength of the human body. It is the manners and spirit of a people which preserve a republic in vigor. A degeneracy in these is a canker which soon eats to the heart of its laws and constitution." --Thomas Jefferson: Notes on Virginia Q.XIX, 1782. ME 2:230
"It was by the sober sense of our citizens that we were safely and steadily conducted from monarchy to republicanism, and it is by the same agency alone we can be kept from falling back." --Thomas Jefferson to Arthur Campbell, 1797. ME 9:421
"To the sincere spirit of republicanism are naturally associated the love of country, devotion to its liberty, its right and its honor." --Thomas Jefferson: Reply to Virginia Legislature, 1809. ME 16:333
"[It is the people's] conviction that a solid Union is the best rock of their safety." --Thomas Jefferson to C. W. F. Dumas, 1791. ME 8:197
"The cement of this Union is in the heart-blood of every American. I do not believe there is on earth a government established on so immovable a basis." --Thomas Jefferson to Lafayette, 1815. ME 14:252
"Possessed of the blessing of self-government and of such a portion of civil liberty as no other civilized nation enjoys, it now behooves us to guard and preserve them by a continuance of the sacrifices and exertions by which they were acquired, and especially to nourish that Union which is their sole guarantee." --Thomas Jefferson: Reply to New London Plymouth Society, 1809. ME 16:360
ME, FE = Memorial Edition, Ford Edition.
(1894-1963)
Good biography: http://www.egs.edu/library/aldous-huxley/biography/
While Aldous Huxley's early works would clearly be focused on defending a kind of humanism, he would become more and more interested in spiritual questions. He would particularly become interested in parapsychology and mysticism.
A democracy which makes or even effectively prepares for modern, scientific war must necessarily cease to be democratic. No country can be really well prepared for modern war unless it is governed by a tyrant, at the head of a highly trained and perfectly obedient bureaucracy. (1937)
Brave New World (1932) and Brave New World Revisited (1958).
The perfect dictatorship would have the appearance of democracy, a prison without walls in which the prisoners would not dream of escape. A system of slavery where, through consumption and entertainment, slaves would love their servitude. (1932)
(1817-1862)
Unjust laws exist; shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them?
Civil Disobedience and Other Essays (1849)
By Alípio Freire.
(1830-1882) Brazilian Romantic poet, journalist, lawyer and a prominent abolitionist.
O escravo que mata o senhor, seja em que circunstância for, mata sempre em legítima defesa.
(1847-1871) Poet and playwright, famous for his abolitionist and republican poems. He won the epithet of "O Poeta dos Escravos" ("The Poet of the Slaves"). He wrote "O Navio Negreiro" (1880).
(1926-2001) Geographer, who became known for pioneer works in various fields in geography, notably urban development in developing countries.
[Portuguese] A obra de Milton Santos é inovadora e grandiosa ao abordar o conceito de espaço. De território onde todos se encontram, o espaço, com as novas tecnologias, adquiriu novas características para se tornar um "conjunto indissociável de sistemas de objetos e sistemas de ações".
(1900-1987) Sociologist, anthropologist, historian, writer, painter, journalist and congressman. He is commonly associated with other great Brazilian cultural interpreters of the first half of the 20th century, such as Sérgio Buarque de Holanda and Caio Prado Júnior. His best-known work is a sociological treatise named Casa-Grande & Senzala. Two sequels followed, The Mansions and the Shanties: the making of modern Brazil and Order and Progress: Brazil from monarchy to republic. The trilogy is generally considered a classic of modern cultural anthropology and social history.
(1902-1982) Writer, journalist and historian.
[Portuguese] A partir de 1960, passou a coordenar o projeto da "História Geral da Civilização Brasileira".
(1907-1990) Historian. His works inaugurated a Brazilian historiographic tradition identified with Marxism, aiming at explaining the Brazilian colonial society.
(1920-1995) Sociologist and politician.
[Portuguese] A obra "A revolução burguesa no Brasil" (1975) renova radicalmente concepções tradicionais e contemporâneas da burguesia e do desenvolvimento do capitalismo no país, com interpretações alinhadas à dialética marxista.
(1922-1997) Anthropologist, author and politician. His ideas of Latin American identity have influenced several later studies. He is known for his studies focusing Indians and education in the country.
(1898-1990) was one of the organizers of the 1920s tenente revolts and the Communist opposition to the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas in Brazil. Member of the PCB and partner of Olga Benário.
(1922-2004) Launched in politics by Getúlio Vargas, Brizola was the only politician to serve as governor of two different states in Brazil. He was vice-president of the Socialist International, as well as Honorary President of that organization from October 2003 until his death in June 2004.
(1882-1954) [1930-1945] as "dictator" and [1951-1954] democratically elected.
(1918-1976) [1961-1964]. He is considered as the last left-wing President of the country until Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took office in 2003.
(1945-) [2003-2010]. Founding member of the Workers' Party (PT – Partido dos Trabalhadores). He is often regarded as one of the most popular politicians in the history of Brazil and, at the time of his mandate, one of the most popular in the world. Social programs like Bolsa Família and Fome Zero are hallmarks of his time in office. Lula played a prominent role in recent international relations developments, including the nuclear program of Iran and global warming, and was described as "a man with audacious ambitions to alter the balance of power among nations." He was featured in Time 's The 100 Most Influential People in the World for 2010,[8] and has been called "the most successful politician of his time."
(1947-) [2011-2018]. She is the first woman to be president. She became a socialist during her youth, and following the 1964 coup d'état joined various left-wing and Marxist urban guerrilla groups that fought against the military dictatorship. Rousseff was eventually captured and was jailed between 1970 and 1972, where she was reportedly tortured.
After her release, Rousseff rebuilt her life in Porto Alegre with Carlos Araújo, who would be her partner for 30 years. Both helped found the Democratic Labour Party (PDT) in Rio Grande do Sul, participating in several of the party's electoral campaigns. She is involved in politics since then.
(1783-1830) Venezuelan military and political leader who played an instrumental role in the establishment of Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru and Colombia as sovereign states independent of Spanish rule.
(1778-1850) Argentine general and the prime leader of the southern part of South America's successful struggle for independence from the Spanish Empire.
[...] numa nação livre em que não sejam permitidos escravos, a riqueza mais segura consiste numa porção de pobres laboriosos. Para fazer a sociedade (que, obviamente consiste de não trabalhadores) feliz, e o povo contente, mesmo nas piores circunstâncias, é necessário que a grande maioria permaneça tanto ignorante quanto pobre. (MANDEVILLE, 1728)
Karl Marx, e pensamento presente na Primeira Internacional, defendia a revolução do proletariado contra a burguesia, a tomada do poder e a construção de uma sociedade socialista. Marx dizia que isto só seria possível em um país onde o capitalismo já estivesse em um estágio avançado e onde o operariado, trabalhadores da indústria, tivesse uma mentalidade revolucionária. Essas concepções vinham do fato de que apenas num país onde o proletariado adquirisse uma consciência revolucionária, poderia-se concretizar o levante que criaria a ditadura do proletariado. A Segunda Internacional, organização herdeira do marxismo e liderada por Karl Kautsky, defendia uma linha economicista [ver "social-democracia"].
Jessé Souza (Elite do Atraso):
Um “paradigma” é o horizonte histórico que define os pressupostos para qualquer tipo de conhecimento. (...) A questão principal para a superação dos paradigmas científicos é perceber seus pressupostos. É necessário ganhar distância em relação àquilo, precisamente, que é percebido como óbvio e evidente por todos. Todo o discurso elitista e conservador do liberalismo brasileiro está contido em duas noções que foram desenvolvidas na USP e que depois ganharam o Brasil: as ideias de patrimonialismo e de populismo. (...) As noções de patrimonialismo e populismo são as ideias-guia que permitem à elite arregimentar a classe média. Elas, afinal, são as guardiãs da “distância social” em relação aos pobres, que é a pedra de toque da aliança antipopular construída no Brasil para preservar o privilégio, acesso aos capitais econômico e cultural, de 20% contra os 80% de excluídos.
Noam Chomsky (The Function of the University in a Time of Crisis*):
It is not difficult for members of the university community to delude themselves into believing that they are maintaining a "neutral, value-free" position when they simply respond to demands set elsewhere. In fact, to do so is to make a political decision, namely, to ratify the existing distribution of power, authority, and privilege in the society at large, and to take on a commitment to reinforce it. (...) The university will be able to make its contribution to a free society only to the extent that it overcomes the temptation to conform unthinkingly to the prevailing ideology and to the existing patterns of power and privilege.
*This essay is excerpted from Chomsky on Democracy and Education, ed. C. P. Otero (New York: Routledge Falmer, 2003), pp. 178-94.
Judas Tadeu de Campos (Paulo Freire e as Novas Tendências da Educação):
Para Paulo Freire (Pedagogia do oprimido, 1974) a escola tem uma função conservadora, já que reflete e reproduz injustiças da sociedade. Mas, ao mesmo tempo, é uma força inovadora, já que o professor tem uma autonomia relativa. Assim, o educador tem um papel político-pedagógico destacado, já que não existe educação neutra.